马华峇株吧辖区会12月28日搬迁

马华峇株吧辖区会兹定于本月28日早上吉时搬迁至丹绒拉勿路的新会所, 届时敬请各位社会贤达,党团同志光临赐教.

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马华峇株吧辖区会搬迁会所

马华峇株吧辖区会将在近期内搬迁至丹绒拉勿路的新会所,需要大量的人力资源协助;同志们若时间许可,欢迎到区会协助搬迁工作,可向区会执行秘书Miss Ng询问及安排时间.
也吁请马青同志於11月30日下午两点半,前来旧会所协助区团搬迁前的准备工作.
谢谢!

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政府医院巡察员的职责

政府医院巡察员的角色，是扮演一个沟通的桥梁，拉近院方与人民的关系，为人民提供良好的服务。

政府医院巡察员在执行任务时，不能阻碍院方医务人员办事，不能私下给院方指示，也不能干预院方的行政工作。

医院巡察员的职责如下：

医院及公众的沟通桥梁：向公众人士转达及说明医院的设施与服务，尽量让公众明白院方在服务时所会面对的问题，协助提升医院的形象及服务角色。

巡视医院：定期巡视医院，以监督医院的服务。协助解决病患或病人家属在院内所面对的福利及卫生问题.

为院方及病患提供福利援助：为院方寻求经济援助，协助美化及维修设施如祈祷室，小花园及其他。为穷苦及弱小病患提供衣服，旧杂志，刊物或玩具等。

参与医院活动：积极参加或协助院方主办活动如捐血，反吸烟运动等。

峇株马华区会共有四名医院巡察员，任期从01/07/2007至30/06/2010.为期三年，他们为：

1〕陈明财 019－773 5225

2〕蓝步振 016－783 9101

3〕陈邦富019－757 6699

4〕邱秀媛(Amy ku)019－757 9152

医院紧急电话号码 : 07-4329999/07-4341999

最后，医院巡察员希望病人或病患家属与院方在事故发生时，都能以客观，包容，冷静及理性的态度去解决问题，以达到双赢的结局。

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振兴配套有助益，惟尚有更多问题急待解决

本文告转自马华署理总会长拿督斯里蔡细历生部落格

70亿令吉救市配套
政府推行的70亿令吉振兴配套, 我认为将为国内经济带来更全面的效果，长远来说比降低贷款利息更有利于助长国家的经济成长。整体看来，振兴经济配套所提出的项目和步骤，旨于刺激国内消费市场和建筑领域，而这两大领域对国家经济成长有连锁行效应。

2亿令吉拨各源流学校
政府有史以来拨出2亿令吉给国内4个源流学校，即华小、淡小、政府宗教学校及教会学校。马华欢迎这项措施，但我认为分配的方式有欠不公平。2亿令吉由4个源流学校均分，这表示各源流学校只获拨5千万令吉。我国目前有1290间华小、500间淡小及不超过400间教会学校，换言之每间华小只获得超过4万令吉拨款。

不公平的地方在于各源流学校的数量不一，却获得同等的拨款总额。要确保公平分配资源给上述学校，政府不应以源流为均分指标，而应以学校的数量为准，即2亿令吉平均分配给各源流的每一间学校。

就业问题
政府也关注大专生失业，和因经济风暴导致的裁员问题。因此，政府将通过政府官联公司（GLC）招聘，为1万2千名大专生提供就业机会。这是一项令人鼓舞的消息，惟政府必须确保公平和透明化进行招聘，根据申请者的绩效而不是种族考量。人力资源是国家建设和发展的主要动力，摒弃种族主义，唯才是用才能保持国家经济的竞争条件。

全球经济放缓，私人机构也深受打击。初步估计，至少3至5万名在新加坡工作的大马人或回流大马。因此，我认为国内的私人领域也应该配合政府，参与人力栽培计划，为就业市场提供更多就业机会。

简化招聘外国知识专才的程序是一项很重要的措施。我国需要各领域的专才和技术人员（knowledge and skilled），更开明的工作准证程序，及外聘和回流专才家人的移民政策是必要的。

公积金缴纳率
减少雇员公积金缴纳率主要能增加国人可消费的收入，以刺激和带动消费市场。减少3％缴纳率，估算每年可为消费市场增加50亿令吉。维持国人的消费能力，也是遏制消费市场内缩进一步恶化的举措之一。

公开招标政府土地和采购活动
政府准备举行公开招标，以决定政府土地发展和器材征用及采购合约。这是一项能提高政府透明指数和公信力的措施。希望有关当局的招标过程能以公平和透明方式进行。

振兴经济配套不足之处
尽管如此，我认为，稳定和刺激国内市场以后，接下来要做的是贯彻更开明和开放的经济政策，达到真正的市场自由化。这包括检讨现有的土著股权和固打制，解决有关制度与经济开放政策间所产生的矛盾。

马来特权是获得国家宪法保障，当我们讨论和要求检讨土著固打制时，并不是在挑战马来特权，而是以宏观的视野看待问题和加以改善，以促进国家在国际自由化市场上的竞争条件，这是吸引和留住外资、维持国内股票市场吸引力的先决条件。

此外，要减少繁文缛节，以减少商业启营成本。这包括简化商业执照申请和发放、产业转让等程序。如果有关程序牵涉太多机构，将会拖慢申请和批审过程。最终让外资或本地商人失去耐心，将投资转向其他国家。

明显的，我国经济将无法达致第9大马计划所设定的6％年度增长率。今年我们只有5％经济成长，明年估计约3.5%，2010年则更低。长远之计是要为国家开发新的收入来源，不能一味仰赖不稳定的石油收入。

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Stimulus Package is good, but more need to be done.
The Stimulus Package of RM 7 billion is a good move to reduce the impact of the economic slowdown following the American financial crisis.

Pumping money into the system is better than just reducing the interest rate. Basically the stimulus package will stimulate construction and will create the multiply effects of upstream and downstream activities.

The reduction of EPF contribution of 3% which is voluntary will release about 5 billion into the system and will promote domestic consumption.

There is a one off RM 50 million to the Chinese Schools for upgrading works. Some others schools including Tamil and Mission schools also receives the same amount. It may sound unfair as the number of Chinese Primary Schools is 1290 compared to about 500 Tamil Schools. Each Chinese School will get about RM40,000, a small amount for upgrading.

The anticipated slowdown will cause unemployment to go up. The GLC Graduate Training Scheme should be open to all races, and the process of selecting candidate should not be a contentious issues.

The Government is talking about reducing dependence of foreign labour, but there seems to be a lot of talks, very little concrete step to reduce the dependency. This become more important as lay off will increase by year 2010 when Malaysia economic slowdown will be more severe. It will be a sad day when Malaysians are unemployed and the numbers of foreign workers keep on increasing.

More steps should be taken to liberalize the economy. This will include reviewing:

1. The bumiputra equity participation. Bumiputra special rights are enshrined in the constitution. Nobody can take that away. It is a question of how to make Malaysia more competitive and attractive in attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and promoting the equity market.

2. Reducing red-tape so that the cost of doing business is reduced. More need to be done for the rapid registration of business, property transfer and application of license that has to go through many agencies. Speed is of essence.

3. Need to attract skilled and professional workers from overseas including Malaysians working oversea. It is estimated that about 30,000 to 50,000 Malaysians working in Singapore will be lay off during this period.

It is obvious that we are unable to achieve the RMK 9 set target of 6% annual economic growth. This year growth is estimated at 5% and 3.5% for next year. As for year 2010, it is estimated to be lower than year 2009 growth.

The time has come for us to be less dependent in oil and petroleum. We have to seek alternative source of revenue to cover the shortfall as the recent of fall in price of oil and also the reserve, which is also depleting. All these call for long term plan which the government must put in place.

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马华峇株吧辖区会 2008~2011 年度执委名表

主席：	拿督斯里蔡细历医生
署理主席：	高志财州议员
副主席：	张强进，郑有干，苏添福，黄奕松市议员
	杨文钦（马青），黄秀贞（妇女组）
秘书：	江明光市议员
副秘书：	张平福，蓝步振，林怀伦，叶秋萍，吴秀玉
组织秘书：	陈庆兴
副组织秘书：	冯尔明，张小佩，王必盛，王明珠，文庆南
财政：	许俊涛村长
副财政：	陈期惠，李道平
票选委员：	1.张轲雄	2.林光臣律师
	3.吴良天	4.张平福
	5.吴秀玉	6.吴礼志
	7.叶秋萍	8.陈伟强
	9.林振瑞	10.黄宝安村长
委任委员：	1.陈月华	2.陈国发村长
	3.林宝莲	4.林聪明
当然委员：(各支会主席)
	张友坚	(峇株市区)
	林註	(亚音港)
	郭秋玉	(石文丁)
	苏添福	(峇九尊隆)
	许俊涛村长	(新加兰)
	郑水华	(米那务固)
	吕光前	(不丹尼)
	陈清发	(亚音须汝)
	黄奕松市议员	(龙引)
	陈文豹	(丹绒拉务)
	陈存仁	(万兰花园)
	许春国	(白沙浮)
	陈庆兴	(惹美拉西区)
	张强进	(惹美拉东区)
	高志财州议员	(中学区)
	洪茂宽	(巴力亚末)
	陈朝祝	(泵务)
	马规馨	(独立村)
	余坤合	(亚巫峇加)
	李和桦	(苏雅花园)
	陈振忠	(双溪亚音)
	陈再福	(模范村)
	陈期惠	(高丽士)
	黄衍来	(三角埔)
	张继聪	(峇株花园)
	刘后煌	(斯里摩力)
	刘瑞赞	(林乌园)
	郑文平	(金岭花园)
	傅子祺	(巴力莫达)
	谢家顺	(巴力米拉)
	林秀瑶	(拿督阿都拉曼惹化)
	许志福	(万兰镇花园)
	杨文钦	(梅花岭花园)

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马华的改革：真正的政治。真正的影响力

by Dato Sri Dr.Chua Soi Lek

第１２届全国大选的空前挫败，在党内许多人都发自内心的呼吁呐喊马华要重整，要重组，要重建，要再创造更要再生！马华需要改革，但创党先贤坚持的建党宗旨和目标不应改变。只是，它需要因国家政治现实及全球化时代而调整。

马华要能继续向前迈进，则需自我反省及自我改变，并奠定在３个基础进行革兴：

1. 真正的政治。真正的影响力。


2. 真正的平等。真正的权利。


3. 真正的社会经济成长。

1 ）真正的政治。真正的影响力

马华未来要能走得更远一定要成为真正的政党，做一个能契合新政治生态及反映政治现实的政党。要从何开始？

1.1 视野要大，思维要广

• 马华是一个单一种族的政党，但却要有多元种族思维的运作，为全民及国家争取权益及斗争。简单来说，马华的问政要立足在课题，而不是种族。


• 马华将继续作为华基政党，只是它的斗争不只为华社议题，也要概括全民国家议题：贪污腐败，司法公正，社会治安，环境保护，两性平权，公民人权及贫穷弱势。


• 因此，马华会继续为协助族群在经济发展、提升竞争力、华文教育及文化传承方面贡献力量，而且是以更大的视野来关心这些议题，换言之不只是为单一族群斗争。

1.2 改变一党独大，成为真正伙伴

• 马华要重新省思自己在国阵里与其他成员党的关系，尤其是和巫统，一定要去除主从关系。每一个成员党都是平起平坐，那么马华才能反映华裔选民心声，并在新的政治生态中拥有一席之地。


• 我们需确保国阵是一个多元种族的联盟，而非单一种族、单一信条、单一宗教的政盟。唯有如此，全民的声音及意愿才能直达天听，马华在国阵里才有存在的价值。


• 国阵不再有”老大哥”，巫统只是盟体里的其中一个领导，而非独权（我们需要能稳定局面的领导，正如民联以安华为领导主干）。


• 国阵里每个成员党都是平起平坐，具有同等的权利和地位，因为我们都是马来西亚人，但我们要时时谨记，我国的多元种族社会是以马来人居大多数。


• 因此，马华要与国阵其他成员党讨论未来政治联盟的发展方向及相处之道，对我们所关注的议题，马华不只要大声说，还要公开说，有尊严的说，不再担心说了会引起对立或遭到恐吓。


• 马华坚持，国阵各个成员党不能为了满足本身特权因而剥夺甚至影响了整体发展及规划。我们要把马华落实为真正的政治组织，以便能适应国家新的政治生态。我们要有明确及清楚的政治价值观，我们的政治信念中要具备关爱全民，公平正义，讲求诚信，纪律与勇气，当然我们也要包容不同的声音。


• 马华要更有自信，确保政府的施政政策及计划更具透明度，公平和民主。因此，我们无需再通过乞求及请愿来要求政府解决教育课题，宗教议题及经济机会。

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MCA’s Reform: REAL POLITICS. REAL INFLUENCE

by: Dato Sri Dr. Chua Soi Lek

After its unprecedented poor showing in the 12th General Election, many calls are going out from all quarters and corners within the MCA calling for the need to re-engineer, re-organise, rebuild, re-invent and re-vitalise the party.

Reformation is crucial. MCA shall remain the same as the founding father of MCA has clearly lain out. However, it needs to be fine-tuned and taken into consideration to the political reality of Malaysia in a globalised world.

MCA has to do some soul searching and to make changes in order for the party to going forward based on 3 platforms:-

1. Real Politics. Real Influence.


2. Real Equality. Real Rights.


3. Real Socio-economic Growth.

1) REAL POLITICS. REAL INFLUENCE

The way forward for MCA is to be a real political party, which can fit into the new political landscape, and to reflect the political reality. How?

1.1 Change to think National

• MCA as a mono ethnic party shall exercise multi-racial approach in championing the rights and cause of the rakyat and the nation.


• MCA shall be issue centric rather than just ethno centric.


• MCA will continue to be a Chinese-based political party but it will champion not only Chinese interest but also national issue: corruption, judiciary, security, green environment, gender sensitivity, civil liberties and poverty.


• MCA will continue to dedicate itself to help the Chinese community in economic development and competitiveness, Chinese education, culture not withstanding that, it should always be issue centric rather than all just Chinese.

1.2 Change to real partnership without dominance

• MCA needs to re-look its relationship with its component party, especially UMNO. The perception of a master-servant relationship should be removed. Every component partner should have equal right, then only MCA can deliver the Chinese vote and stay competitive in the new political landscape.


• MCA seeks to have a meaningful and effective partnership. Therefore we shall ensure BN as a multi-racial, multi-ethnic coalition, does not serve only one race, one creed, one religion. Hence, the voice of rakyat will always be heard in the corridors of power and that we will always be valued partners in the coalition.


• There is no ‘big brother’ within the Barisan Nasional, only leadership by UMNO but not dominance (as we need leadership for stability, even the PR have leadership because of Anwar Ibrahim).


• Every component party should be treated equal and fairly with the same rights of status as the rakyat of Malaysia, bearing in mind the Malay forms majority in this multi-racial society.


• It is therefore pertinent for MCA to sit down with the component parties in BN, to lay down new and clear ground rules for the future direction of the coalition. MCA needs to speak out more and vocalize their concerns publicly and respectfully, without being threatening or antagonistic.


• Each of the main component parties of BN have jealously and zealously fought and guarded the continuity and propagation of principal political agendas. However, championing of the communities rights and privileges should be less communal by way of adopting a constant, consistent and systematic approach in development planning, distribution of these rights and privileges.


• We want to make MCA a political party that will reflect the changed political landscape in Malaysia. We must have clear and unequivocal values such as love and care for the rakyat, fairness, justice, integrity, discipline, courage in our convictions and tolerance for different opinions.


• MCA should be more assertive to ensure government improves the implementation of government policies (projects) should be more transparent, fair and democratic. Hence, educational issues, religious issues and economic opportunities should be resolved without having to beg and petition the government.

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关于基孔肯雅蚊症

有鉴于本区域出现多起基孔肯雅蚊症病例，马华区会呼吁公众提高防范意识，由于这是一种急性传染病，因此，进一步暸解此病症将能有效的面对及处理，特此列出此蚊症的基本资料以供各位参考：(以下资料由卫生部提供)

1 什么是基孔肯雅蚊症（chikungunya）？
基孔肯雅蚊症（chikungunya ）是由基孔肯雅病毒 (chikungunya virus, CHIKV)引起，经黑斑蚊传播，以发热、皮疹及关节疼痛为主要特征的急性传染病。1953年首次在坦桑尼亚证实了基孔肯雅热流行。本病主要流行于非洲和东南亚地区，近年在欧洲也发现病例。它属于风土病, 经常发生在亚沙哈垃非洲，印度，东南亚，印尼和菲律宾。
基孔肯亚蚊症并非一种不知源头的神秘疾病。

2 基孔肯雅蚊症如何发生？
基孔肯雅蚊症（chikungunya ）是由基孔肯雅病毒引起， 为Togaviridae属, Alphavirus科。

3 基孔肯雅蚊症会传染吗？
人类被带有基孔肯亚病毒的蚊子埃及伊蚊(Aedes aegypti) 或白纹伊蚊(Aedes albopictus)叮咬后，便会患上基孔肯亚病。这两种黑斑蚊也传播骨痛热症。

4 基孔肯雅蚊症的潜伏期？
本病的潜伏期为2～12天，通常为3～7天。

5 基孔肯雅蚊症的症状？
本病为自限性疾病，患者一般会不治而愈。症状有
． 突发烧
． 关节出现剧烈疼痛
． 发疹
． 头痛
一般发热1～7天即可退热（通常5天）。由于其临床表现类似骨痛热症，有时会被误认为骨痛热症。

6 此病会导致死亡吗?
在大马，未有报告说基孔肯雅蚊症会导致出血或死亡。不过，一些患者会面对较长的症状。
年长患者会经历关节的重复疼痛至数个月或一年。

7 有什么治疗方式吗?
就如由病毒引起的疾病，本病无特效药物治疗，主要为对症处理。大部分的病例只需接受外来门诊。目前没有疫苗可预防此病的发生。

8 患上此病者该怎办？
公众如出现基孔肯雅蚊症的症状，请马上到邻近的诊疗所或医院就医。

9 如何避免被传染此病
公众须了解确定住家四周经常保持清洁和消灭黑斑蚊滋长的重要性。公众也受促参与大扫除活动，以确保各住家环境清洁和避免成为黑斑蚊滋长的场所。卫生部劝请公众采取以下步骤，以避免受到传染。
． 确保住家四周经常保持清洁和消灭黑斑蚊滋长，特别是通过居民协力大扫除。经证实，经过大扫除的地区再没有新案例投报。
． 一周至少检查一次家园的清洁
． 若出现基孔肯雅蚊症的症状，马上到邻近的诊疗所或医院就医。

10 我住的地区会成为基孔肯雅蚊症的流行区吗？
可能，因为基孔肯雅蚊症由生存于我国的埃及伊蚊(Aedes aegypti)和或白纹伊蚊(Aedes albopictus)传播。


11 基孔肯雅蚊症在国内的散播情况如何？有增加的趋势至爆发流行吗？
至今年7月30日，当局共接获631宗基孔肯雅蚊症发生在柔佛，森美兰，马六甲和霹雳州的投报，共20个病发点 (柔佛11个,马六甲6个,霹雳2个和森州1个)。详情请参阅卫生总监声明
至今，共136名患者(21.6%)被证实患上基孔肯雅蚊症，尽管如此，只有15名患者因发高烧和关节剧疼而入院治疗，其他只接受外诊。

12 卫生部疾病控制组采取什么措施来控制基孔肯雅蚊症的扩散？
卫生部已采取以下的积极步骤来处理此疾病住家四周经常保持清洁和消灭黑斑蚊滋长
． 积极检出案例
． 研究黑斑蚊
． 喷蚊雾和ULV
． 展开社区大扫除活动
． 展开促进健康活动。
基孔肯雅蚊症已受控制和局限于有关地点而已。

欲获取更多详情，请联络:
卫生部疾病控制组行动室
热线电话 03-8881 0600 和 03 8881 0700

卫生部柔佛州分署网站

卫生部峇株吧辖县署
PEJABAT KESIHATAN DAERAH BATU PAHAT
JALAN MOHAMAD KHALID
83000 BATU PAHAT
电话: 07-4341011
传真: 07-4322026

您亦可向马华峇株吧辖区会、马青峇株吧辖区团或区会妇女组公共服务及投诉局寻求协助。

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Racial in a Multiracial Pakatan Rakyat?

Quote: drchua9.blogspot.com

As some of you may know, I appeared live on RTM2's What Say You programme on Sunday to discuss the consequences of Umno-PAS talks on multiracialism in Malaysia. While it was a lively discussion, what is clear from the response to the programme is that the Chinese in Malaysia no longer see things from a narrow racial perspective. The MCA must evolve along with the Chinese community in articulating such views.

As I said on the programme, the MCA may be a Chinese party but our outlook must be multi-racial. We must be issue-centered. The issues the Chinese are concerned about today cuts across racial barriers. These issues include the economy, corruption, Hindraf and equal access to educational opportunities. That is why the concept of Malay unity has sparked some concerns among the Chinese community. The Chinese have responded strongly in favour of the purportedly more multi-racial approach of the Pakatan Rakyat alliance.

While I do not believe the Pakatan Rakyat is better placed to unite all Malaysians, it is nevertheless necessary for us in the MCA to respond or else we will be painted into a corner as a coalition which represents narrow racial interests. The concept of Malay unity in the form of any Umno-PAS alliance is a turn-off to most Chinese voters because it suggests other races are precluded. The presence of PAS in Pakatan Rakyat is less of a concern because PKR is multiracial and the strongest party. It is our responsibility to ask UMNO if they realize they risk alienating non-Malays permanently.
...
The Barisan Nasional (BN) concept is still the only way for Malaysia to progress together as partners. But right now, the copycat version in Pakatan Rakyat appears much more appealing to many Malaysians because the different members –DAP, PKR, PAS – seem to have an equal say in the direction of the alliance, and are united under Anwar Ibrahim. Many voters stopped supporting the original – BN – because Umno appeared too powerful, and the other partners appeared to have less say in the direction of the country. We in the BN will have to work hard to change this perception. And this must be done together as partners.

The fragile co-operation between Pakatan Rakyat is possible because of Anwar Ibrahim. I cannot imagine how it will work in the longer term.

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社区服务及投诉专区：2008年 11月份 (November, 2008)

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